Historia Żydów na Węgrzech: Różnice pomiędzy wersjami
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== Struggles for a second emancipation (1859–1867) == | == Struggles for a second emancipation (1859–1867) == | ||
Wersja z 11:06, 20 wrz 2020
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Historia Żydów na Węgrzech sięga przynajmniej Królestwa Węgier, a niektóre wzmianki poprzedzają nawet węgierski podbój Kotliny Karpackiej w 895 roku n.e. o ponad 600 lat. Źródła pisane dowodzą, że społeczności żydowskie żyły w średniowiecznym Królestwie Węgier, a nawet przypuszcza się, że kilka sekcji heterogenicznych plemion węgierskich praktykowało judaizm. Urzędnicy żydowscy służyli królowi podczas panowania Andrzeja II na początku XIII wieku. Od drugiej połowy XIII wieku ogólna tolerancja religijna zmniejszyła się, a polityka Węgier upodobniła się do traktowania ludności żydowskiej w Europie Zachodniej. The history of the Jews in Hungary dates back to at least the Kingdom of Hungary, with some records even predating the Hungarian conquest of the Carpathian Basin in 895 CE by over 600 years. Written sources prove that Jewish communities lived in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary and it is even assumed that several sections of the heterogeneous Hungarian tribes practiced Judaism. Jewish officials served the king during the early 13th century reign of Andrew II. From the second part of the 13th century, the general religious tolerance decreased and Hungary's policies became similar to the treatment of the Jewish population in Western Europe. Węgierscy Żydzi byli dość dobrze zintegrowani ze społeczeństwem węgierskim do czasu pierwszej wojny światowej. Na początku XX wieku społeczność rozrosła się i stanowiła 5% całej populacji Węgier i 23% populacji stolicy, Budapesztu. Żydzi stali się wybitni w nauce, sztuce i biznesie. Do 1941 r. Ponad 17% Żydów w Budapeszcie prowadzili rozmowy rzymskokatolickie. [B] The Jews of Hungary were fairly well integrated into Hungarian society by the time of the First World War. By the early 20th century, the community had grown to constitute 5% of Hungary's total population and 23% of the population of the capital, Budapest. Jews became prominent in science, the arts and business. By 1941, over 17% of Budapest's Jews were Roman Catholic conversos.Szablon:Efn Polityka antyżydowska stała się bardziej represyjna w okresie międzywojennym, gdy przywódcy Węgier, którzy nadal byli zaangażowani w odzyskanie terytoriów utraconych na mocy porozumienia pokojowego (traktat z Trianon) z 1920 r., Zdecydowali się sprzymierzyć się z rządami nazistowskich Niemiec i faszystowskich Włoch - podmioty międzynarodowe prawdopodobnie staną teraz za roszczeniami Węgier [8]. Począwszy od 1938 roku, Węgry pod rządami Miklósa Horthy'ego wprowadziły szereg antyżydowskich środków naśladowania niemieckiego prawa norymberskiego. Po niemieckiej okupacji Węgier 19 marca 1944 r. Żydzi z prowincji zostali deportowani do obozu koncentracyjnego Auschwitz; od maja do lipca tego roku wysłano tam 437 000 Żydów z Węgier, w większości zagazowanych po przyjeździe [9]. Anti-Jewish policies grew more repressive in the interwar period as Hungary's leaders, who remained committed to regaining the territories lost at the peace agreement (Treaty of Trianon) of 1920, chose to align themselves with the governments of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy – the international actors most likely to stand behind Hungary's claims.[1] Starting in 1938, Hungary under Miklós Horthy passed a series of anti-Jewish measures in emulation of Germany's Nürnberg Laws. Following the German occupation of Hungary on 19 March 1944, Jews from the provinces were deported to the Auschwitz concentration camp; between May and July that year, 437,000 Jews were sent there from Hungary, most of them gassed on arrival.[2] Dane spisu ludności Węgier z 2011 r. Wykazały, że 10 965 osób (0,11%) samo zidentyfikowało się jako religijni Żydzi, z czego 10 553 (96,2%) zadeklarowało się jako etniczni Węgrzy. [5] Szacunki dotyczące populacji Żydów na Węgrzech w 2010 roku wahają się od 54 000 do ponad 130 000 [10], głównie w Budapeszcie. [11] Na Węgrzech działa wiele synagog, w tym Synagoga przy ulicy Dohány, największa synagoga w Europie i druga co do wielkości synagoga na świecie po Świątyni Emanu-El w Nowym Jorku. [12] The 2011 Hungary census data had 10,965 people (0.11%) who self-identified as religious Jews, of whom 10,553 (96.2%) declared themselves as ethnic Hungarian.[3] Estimates of Hungary's Jewish population in 2010 range from 54,000 to more than 130,000[4] mostly concentrated in Budapest.[5] There are many active synagogues in Hungary, including the Dohány Street Synagogue, the largest synagogue in Europe and the second largest synagogue in the world after the Temple Emanu-El in New York City.[6] Spis treściEarly historyPrzed 1095Nie wiadomo dokładnie, kiedy Żydzi osiedlili się na Węgrzech. Zgodnie z tradycją król Decebalus (rządzący Dacją 87-106 ne) zezwolił Żydom, którzy pomagali mu w wojnie z Rzymem, osiedlić się na jego terytorium. [13] Dacia obejmowała część dzisiejszych Węgier, Rumunii i Mołdawii oraz mniejsze obszary Bułgarii, Ukrainy i Serbii. Więźniowie wojen żydowskich mogli zostać sprowadzeni z powrotem przez zwycięskie legiony rzymskie normalnie stacjonujące w Provincia Pannonia (zachodnie Węgry, wschodnia Austria). Marek Aureliusz nakazał przeniesienie części swoich zbuntowanych żołnierzy z Syrii do Panonii w 175 roku n.e. Oddziały te rekrutowano częściowo w Antiochii i Hemesie (obecnie Homs), które w tamtym czasie nadal miały znaczną populację żydowską. Oddziały Antiochii zostały przeniesione do Ulcisia Castra (dziś Szentendre), podczas gdy wojska hemizyjskie osiedliły się w Intercisa (Dunaújváros). [14] It is not definitely known when Jews first settled in Hungary. According to tradition, King Decebalus (ruled Dacia 87-106 CE) permitted the Jews who aided him in his war against Rome to settle in his territory.[7] Dacia included part of modern-day Hungary as well as Romania and Moldova and smaller areas of Bulgaria, Ukraine, and Serbia. Prisoners of the Jewish Wars may have been brought back by the victorious Roman legions normally stationed in Provincia Pannonia (western Hungary, eastern Austria). Marcus Aurelius ordered the transfer of some of his rebellious troops from Syria to Pannonia in 175 CE. These troops had been recruited partly in Antioch and Hemesa (now Homs), which still had a sizable Jewish population at that time. The Antiochian troops were transferred to Ulcisia Castra (today Szentendre), while the Hemesian troops settled in Intercisa (Dunaújváros).[8] Według Raphaela Patai kamienne inskrypcje odnoszące się do Żydów znaleziono w Brigetio (obecnie Szőny), Solva (Esztergom), Aquincum (Budapeszt), Intercisa (Dunaújváros), Triccinae (Sárvár), Dombovár, Siklós, Sopianae (Pécs i Savlyaria) (Szombathearia) [14] Inskrypcja łacińska, epitafium Septimy Marii, odkryta w Siklós (południowe Węgry w pobliżu granicy z Chorwacją), wyraźnie nawiązuje do jej żydowskości („Judea”). [13] Tablica Intercisa została wyryta w imieniu „Cosmiusa”. , szef celnej Spondilla, archisynagogus Iudeorum [głowa synagogi żydowskiej] „za panowania Aleksandra Sewera. W 2008 roku zespół archeologów odkrył amulet z III wieku w postaci złotego zwoju z napisem żydowskiej modlitwy Shema 'Yisrael wyryte na niej w Half Tower (obecnie Halbturn, Burgenland, w Austrii). [15] Węgierskie plemiona osiadły na tym terytorium 650 lat później. W języku węgierskim słowo oznaczające Żyd to Żyd, które zostało przejęte z jeden z języków słowiańskich. [13] [16] According to Raphael Patai, stone inscriptions referring to Jews were found in Brigetio (now Szőny), Solva (Esztergom), Aquincum (Budapest), Intercisa (Dunaújváros), Triccinae (Sárvár), Dombovár, Siklós, Sopianae (Pécs and Savaria (Szombathely).[8] A Latin inscription, the epitaph of Septima Maria, discovered in Siklós (southern Hungary near Croatian border), clearly refers to her Jewishness ("Judaea").[7] The Intercisa tablet was inscribed on behalf of "Cosmius, chief of the Spondilla customhouse, {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} [head of the synagogue of the Jews]" during the reign of Alexander Severus. In 2008, a team of archeologists discovered a 3rd-century AD amulet in the form of a gold scroll with the words of the Jewish prayer Shema' Yisrael inscribed on it in Féltorony (now Halbturn, Burgenland, in Austria).[9] Hungarian tribes settled the territory 650 years later. In the Hungarian language, the word for Jew is zsidó, which was adopted from one of the Slavic languages.[7][10] Pierwszym dokumentem historycznym dotyczącym węgierskich Żydów jest list napisany około 960 roku n.e. do króla Józefa Chazarów przez Hasdai ibn Shapruta, żydowskiego męża stanu Kordoby, w którym mówi, że słowiańscy ambasadorowie obiecali dostarczyć wiadomość królowi. Slawonii, która to samo oddałaby Żydom mieszkającym w „kraju węgierskim”, a ci z kolei przekazaliby to dalej. Mniej więcej w tym samym czasie Ibrahim ibn Jacob mówi, że Żydzi wyjeżdżali z Węgier do Pragi w celach biznesowych. Nie wiadomo nic o Żydach za czasów wielkich książąt, poza tym, że mieszkali na wsi i tam prowadzili handel. [13] The first historical document relating to the Jews of Hungary is the letter written about 960 CE to King Joseph of the Khazars by Hasdai ibn Shaprut, the Jewish statesman of Córdoba, in which he says that the Slavic ambassadors promised to deliver the message to the King of Slavonia, who would hand the same to Jews living in "the country of Hungarian", who, in turn, would transmit it farther. About the same time Ibrahim ibn Jacob says that Jews went from Hungary to Prague for business purposes. Nothing is known concerning the Jews during the period of the grand princes, except that they lived in the country and engaged in commerce there.[7] W 1061 roku król Béla I zarządził, że targi powinny odbywać się w soboty zamiast tradycyjnych niedziel (język węgierski zachował poprzedni zwyczaj, „niedziela” = dosł. „Dzień targowy”). Za panowania św. Władysława (1077–1095) synod w Szabolcs zadekretował (20 maja 1092 r.), Że Żydom nie należy zezwalać na posiadanie chrześcijańskich żon ani na trzymanie chrześcijańskich niewolników. Dekret ten był promulgowany w chrześcijańskich krajach Europy od V wieku, a św. Władysław jedynie wprowadził go na Węgry [13]. In 1061, King Béla I ordered that markets should take place on Saturdays instead of the traditional Sundays (Hungarian language has preserved the previous custom, "Sunday" = Szablon:Wikt-lang, lit. "market day"). In the reign of St. Ladislaus (1077–1095), the Synod of Szabolcs decreed (May 20, 1092) that Jews should not be permitted to have Christian wives or to keep Christian slaves. This decree had been promulgated in the Christian countries of Europe since the 5th century, and St. Ladislaus merely introduced it into Hungary.[7] Węgierscy Żydzi początkowo tworzyli małe osady i nie mieli wykształconych rabinów; ale ściśle przestrzegali wszystkich żydowskich praw i zwyczajów. Jedna z tradycji podąża za historią Żydów z Ratisbon (Regensburg) przybywających na Węgry w piątek z towarami z Rosji; koło ich wozu pękło w pobliżu Budy (Ofen) lub Esztergom (Gran) i zanim go naprawili i wjechali do miasta, Żydzi właśnie opuszczali synagogę. Nieumyślni łamiący szabat zostali ukarani wysokimi grzywnami. Rytuał węgierskich Żydów wiernie odzwierciedlał współczesne niemieckie zwyczaje. [13] The Jews of Hungary at first formed small settlements, and had no learned rabbis; but they were strictly observant of all the Jewish laws and customs. One tradition relates the story of Jews from Ratisbon (Regensburg) coming into Hungary with merchandise from Russia, on a Friday; the wheel of their wagon broke near Buda (Ofen) or Esztergom (Gran) and by the time they had repaired it and had entered the town, the Jews were just leaving the synagogue. The unintentional Sabbath-breakers were heavily fined. The ritual of the Hungarian Jews faithfully reflected contemporary German customs.[7] 1095–1349Coloman (1095–1116), następca św. Władysława, odnowił dekret Szabolcs z 1092 r., Dodając kolejne zakazy zatrudniania chrześcijańskich niewolników i czeladzi. Ograniczył też Żydów do miast posiadających biskupstwa - prawdopodobnie po to, by mieć ich pod stałym nadzorem Kościoła. Wkrótce po ogłoszeniu tego dekretu na Węgry przybyli krzyżowcy; ale Węgrzy nie sympatyzowali z nimi, a Koloman nawet im się sprzeciwiał. Rozwścieczeni krzyżowcy zaatakowali niektóre miasta i jeśli wierzyć Gedaliaszowi ibn Jaji, Żydów spotkał podobny los, jak ich współwyznawców we Francji, Niemczech i Czechach [13]. Coloman (1095–1116), the successor of St. Ladislaus, renewed the Szabolcs decree of 1092, adding further prohibitions against the employment of Christian slaves and domestics. He also restricted the Jews to cities with episcopal sees – probably to have them under the continuous supervision of the Church. Soon after the promulgation of this decree, Crusaders came to Hungary; but the Hungarians did not sympathize with them, and Coloman even opposed them. The infuriated Crusaders attacked some cities, and if Gedaliah ibn Yaḥya is to be believed, the Jews suffered a fate similar to that of their coreligionists in France, Germany, and Bohemia.[7] Okrucieństwa zadane Żydom w Czechach skłoniły wielu z nich do szukania schronienia na Węgrzech. Prawdopodobnie to właśnie imigracja bogatych czeskich Żydów skłoniła Colomana wkrótce potem do uregulowania transakcji handlowych i bankowych między Żydami a chrześcijanami. Zadekretował, między innymi, że jeśli chrześcijanin pożyczył od Żyda lub Żyd od chrześcijanina, w transakcji muszą być obecni zarówno świadkowie chrześcijańscy, jak i żydowscy. [13] The cruelties inflicted upon the Jews of Bohemia induced many of them to seek refuge in Hungary. It was probably the immigration of the rich Bohemian Jews that induced Coloman soon afterward to regulate commercial and banking transactions between Jews and Christians. He decreed, among other regulations, that if a Christian borrowed from a Jew, or a Jew from a Christian, both Christian and Jewish witnesses must be present at the transaction.[7] Za panowania króla Andrzeja II (1205–1235) żyli tu żydowscy szambelani, mennicy, solnicy i urzędnicy podatkowi. Jednakże szlachta tego kraju nakłoniła króla w swojej Złotej Bulli (1222) do pozbawienia Żydów tych wysokich urzędów. Kiedy Andrzej potrzebował pieniędzy w 1226 r., Królewskie dochody uprawiał Żydom, co dało podstawy do wielu skarg. Papież (papież Honoriusz III) następnie ekskomunikował go, aż w 1233 roku obiecał ambasadorom papieskim pod przysięgą, że będą egzekwować dekrety Złotej Bulli skierowane przeciwko Żydom i Saracenom (do tego czasu papiestwo się zmieniło, a papież był teraz papieżem Grzegorzem IX; mieliby odróżniać oba narody od chrześcijan za pomocą odznak i zabroniliby Żydom i Saracenom kupowania lub zatrzymywania chrześcijańskich niewolników [13]. During the reign of King Andrew II (1205–1235) there were Jewish Chamberlains and mint-, salt-, and tax-officials. The nobles of the country, however, induced the king, in his Golden Bull (1222), to deprive the Jews of these high offices. When Andrew needed money in 1226, he farmed the royal revenues to Jews, which gave ground for much complaint. The pope (Pope Honorius III) thereupon excommunicated him, until, in 1233, he promised the papal ambassadors on oath that he would enforce the decrees of the Golden Bull directed against the Jews and the Saracens (by this time, the papacy had changed, and the Pope was now Pope Gregory IX; he would cause both peoples to be distinguished from Christians by means of badges; and would forbid both Jews and Saracens to buy or to keep Christian slaves.[7] Rok 1240 był zamknięciem piątego tysiąclecia ery żydowskiej. W tym czasie Żydzi oczekiwali nadejścia swojego Mesjasza. Inwazja mongolska w 1241 r. Zapoczątkowała oczekiwanie, ponieważ wyobraźnia żydowska spodziewała się, że szczęśliwy okres mesjański zapoczątkuje wojna Goga i Magoga. Béla IV (1235–1270) mianował Żyda imieniem Henul na urząd nadwornego szambelana (Teka pełnił ten urząd za Andrzeja II); a Wölfel i jego synowie Altmann i Nickel trzymali zamek w Komárom z posiadłościami w zastawie. Béla powierzył także Żydom mennicę; a hebrajskie monety z tego okresu nadal znajdują się na Węgrzech. W 1251 r. Béla nadał swoim poddanym żydowskim przywilej, który był zasadniczo taki sam, jak przywilej nadany austriackim Żydom przez księcia Fryderyka II Kłótliwego w 1244 r., Który jednak Béla zmodyfikował, aby dostosować go do warunków węgierskich. Przywilej ten obowiązywał aż do bitwy pod Mohaczem (1526). [13] The year 1240 was the closing one of the fifth millennium of the Jewish era. At that time the Jews were expecting the advent of their Messiah. The Mongol invasion in 1241 seemed to conform to expectation, as Jewish imagination expected the happy Messianic period to be ushered in by the war of Gog and Magog. Béla IV (1235–1270) appointed a Jewish man named Henul to the office of court chamberlain (Teka had filled this office under Andrew II); and Wölfel and his sons Altmann and Nickel held the castle at Komárom with its domains in pawn. Béla also entrusted the Jews with the mint; and Hebrew coins of this period are still found in Hungary. In 1251 a privilegium was granted by Béla to his Jewish subjects which was essentially the same as that granted by Duke Frederick II the Quarrelsome to the Austrian Jews in 1244, but which Béla modified to suit the conditions of Hungary. This privilegium remained in force down to the Battle of Mohács (1526).[7] Na synodzie w Budzie (1279), za panowania króla Węgier Władysława IV (1272–1290), w obecności ambasadora papieskiego postanowiono, że każdy Żyd występujący publicznie powinien nosić po lewej stronie jego górna część garderoby to kawałek czerwonego materiału; że jakiemukolwiek chrześcijaninowi prowadzącemu interesy z Żydem, który nie jest tak oznaczony, lub mieszkającym w domu lub na ziemi razem z jakimkolwiek Żydem, należy odmówić przyjęcia na nabożeństwa kościelne; i że chrześcijanin powierzający jakikolwiek urząd Żydowi powinien być ekskomunikowany. Andrzej III (1291–1301), ostatni król z dynastii Árpádów, w przywileju udzielonym gminie Posonium (Bratysława) zadeklarował, że Żydzi w tym mieście powinni cieszyć się wszystkimi swobodami obywateli [17]. At the Synod of Buda (1279), held in the reign of King Ladislaus IV of Hungary (1272–1290), it was decreed, in the presence of the papal ambassador, that every Jew appearing in public should wear on the left side of his upper garment a piece of red cloth; that any Christian transacting business with a Jew not so marked, or living in a house or on land together with any Jew, should be refused admittance to the Church services; and that a Christian entrusting any office to a Jew should be excommunicated. Andrew III (1291–1301), the last king of the Árpád dynasty, declared, in the privilegium granted by him to the community of Posonium (Bratislava), that the Jews in that city should enjoy all the liberties of citizens.{{#invoke:Footnotes|sfn|template=sfn}} Wypędzenie, odwołanie i prześladowanie (1349–1526)Plik:Synagogue Sopron Hungary.jpg The Orthodox Synagogue of Sopron, Hungary, dates from the 1890s. Plik:Pottery artifacts Synagogue Sopron Hungary.jpg Medieval pottery artifacts inside the Sopron Synagogue Museum. Pod rządami obcych królów, którzy zasiedli na tronie Węgier po wygaśnięciu rodu Arpadów, węgierscy Żydzi byli prześladowani. W czasie czarnej śmierci (1349) zostali wypędzeni z kraju. Chociaż Żydzi zostali natychmiast ponownie przyjęci, byli ponownie prześladowani i po raz kolejny zostali wypędzeni w 1360 r. Przez króla Ludwika Wielkiego z Anjou (1342–1382). [18] Chociaż król Ludwik początkowo okazywał Żydom tolerancję we wczesnych latach swojego panowania, po podboju Bośni, podczas którego próbował zmusić miejscową ludność do przejścia z „heretyckiego” chrześcijaństwa Bogomila na katolicyzm, król Ludwik próbował narzucić konwersja również na węgierskich Żydów. Jednak nie udało mu się nawrócić ich na katolicyzm i wyrzucił ich [19]. Otrzymali je Aleksander Dobry Mołdawii i Dano I z Wołoszczyzny, który nadał im specjalne przywileje handlowe [18]. Under the foreign kings who occupied the throne of Hungary on the extinction of the house of Arpad, the Hungarian Jews suffered many persecutions. During the time of the Black Death (1349), they were expelled from the country. Although the Jews were immediately readmitted, they were again persecuted, and were once again expelled in 1360 by King Louis the Great of Anjou (1342–1382).[11] Although King Louis had initially shown tolerance to the Jews during the early years of his reign, following his conquest of Bosnia, during which he tried to force the local population to convert from the "heretic" Bogomil Christianity to Catholicism, King Louis attempted to impose conversion on Hungarian Jews as well. However, he failed in his attempt to convert them to Catholicism, and expelled them.{{#invoke:Footnotes|sfn|template=sfn}} They were received by Alexander the Good of Moldavia and Dano I of Wallachia, the latter who afforded them special commercial privileges.[11] Kilka lat później, kiedy Węgry znalazły się w trudnej sytuacji finansowej, przypomniano Żydów. Stwierdzili, że podczas ich nieobecności król wprowadził zwyczaj Tödtbriefe, tj. Anulowania pociągnięciem pióra, na prośbę poddanego lub miasta, noty i akty hipoteczne Żydów. Ważnym urzędem utworzonym przez Ludwika był „sędzia wszystkich Żydów mieszkających na Węgrzech”, który został wybrany spośród dostojników kraju, palatynów i skarbników, i miał zastępcę, który mu pomagał. Jego obowiązkiem było pobieranie podatków od Żydów, ochrona ich przywilejów i wysłuchiwanie ich skarg, które ostatnio wymienione były częstsze od czasów panowania Zygmunta Luksemburga (1387–1437) [18]. Some years later, when Hungary was in financial distress, the Jews were recalled. They found that during their absence the king had introduced the custom of Tödtbriefe, i.e., cancelling by a stroke of his pen, on the request of a subject or a city, the notes and mortgage-deeds of the Jews. An important office created by Louis was that of "judge of all the Jews living in Hungary," who was chosen from among the dignitaries of the country, the palatines, and treasurers, and had a deputy to aid him. It was his duty to collect the taxes of the Jews, to protect their privileges, and to listen to their complaints, which last-named had become more frequent since the reign of Sigismund Luxembourg (1387–1437).[11] Następcy Zygmunta: Albert (1437–1439), Władysław Posthumus (1453–1457) i Macieja Korwina (1458–1490) również potwierdzili przywilej Béli IV. Matthias utworzył urząd prefekta żydowskiego na Węgrzech. Okres po śmierci Macieja był smutny dla węgierskich Żydów. Ledwo został pochowany, gdy ludzie na nich napadli, skonfiskowali ich majątek, odmówili spłaty należnych im długów i prześladowali ich ogólnie. Pretendent Jan Korwin, nieślubny syn Macieja, wyrzucił ich z Taty, a król Władysław II (1490–1516), zawsze potrzebujący pieniędzy, nałożył na nich wysokie podatki. Za jego panowania po raz pierwszy spalono Żydów na stosie, wielu rozstrzelano w Trnavie w 1494 r. Pod zarzutem mordu rytualnego [18]. The successors of Sigismund: Albert (1437–1439), Ladislaus Posthumus (1453–1457), and Matthias Corvinus (1458–1490) all likewise confirmed the privilegium of Béla IV. Matthias created the office of Jewish prefect in Hungary. The period following the death of Matthias was a sad one for the Hungarian Jews. He was hardly buried, when the people fell upon them, confiscated their property, refused to pay debts owing to them, and persecuted them generally. The pretender John Corvinus, Matthias' illegitimate son, expelled them from Tata, and King Ladislaus II (1490–1516), always in need of money, laid heavy taxes upon them. During his reign, Jews were for the first time burned at the stake, many being executed at Nagyszombat (Trnava) in 1494, on suspicion of ritual murder.[11] Węgierscy Żydzi w końcu zwrócili się do niemieckiego cesarza Maksymiliana o ochronę. Z okazji ślubu Ludwika II i arcyksiężnej Marii (1512) cesarz za zgodą Władysława objął pod swoją opiekę prefekta Jakuba Mendla z Budy wraz z rodziną i wszystkimi innymi węgierskimi Żydami, według nich wszystkie prawa przysługujące innym jego poddanym. Za następcy Władysława Ludwika II (1516–1526) prześladowania Żydów były na porządku dziennym. Gorzkie uczucie do nich zostało częściowo spotęgowane przez fakt, że ochrzczony zastępca skarbnika Emerich Lucky sprzeniewierzył fundusze publiczne [18]. The Hungarian Jews finally applied to the German Emperor Maximilian for protection. On the occasion of the marriage of Louis II and the archduchess Maria (1512), the emperor, with the consent of Ladislaus, took the prefect, Jacob Mendel of Buda, together with his family and all the other Hungarian Jews, under his protection, according to them all the rights enjoyed by his other subjects. Under Ladislaus' successor, Louis II (1516–1526), persecution of the Jews was a common occurrence. The bitter feeling against them was in part augmented by the fact that the baptized Emerich Szerencsés, the deputy treasurer, embezzled the public funds.[11] [...] Struggles for a second emancipation (1859–1867)Plik:Falk Miksa.JPG Prominent newspaper editor and journalist Miksa (Maxmilian) Falk returned to Hungary from Vienna following the emancipation in 1867. He was a national-level politician from 1875 to 1905. While the House of Habsburg controlled Hungary, emancipation of Jews was postponed. When the Austrian troops were defeated in Italy in 1859, activists pressed for liberty. In that year the cabinet, with Emperor Franz Joseph in the chair, decreed that the status of the Jews should be regulated in agreement with the times, but with due regard for the conditions obtaining in the several localities and provinces. When the emperor convened the Diet on April 2, 1861, Jews pushed for emancipation but the early dissolution of that body prevented it from taking action in the matter.[12] The decade of absolutism in Hungary (1849–1859) resulted in Jews establishing schools, most of which were in charge of trained teachers. Based on the Jewish school fund, the government organized model schools at Sátoraljaújhely, Temesvár (Timișoara), Pécs, and Pest. In Pest the Israelite State Teachers' Seminary was founded in 1859, the principals of which have included Abraham Lederer, Heinrich Deutsch, and József Bánóczi.[12] When the Parliament dissolved in 1861, the emancipation of the Jews was deferred to the coronation of Franz Joseph. On December 22, 1867, the question came before the lower house, and on the favorable report of Kálmán Tisza and Zsigmond Bernáth, a bill in favor of emancipation was adopted; it was passed by the upper house on the following day.[12] Although the Antisemitic Party was represented in the Parliament, it was not taken seriously by the political elite of the country. Its agitation against Jews was not successful (see Tiszaeszlár affair). On October 4, 1877, the Budapest University of Jewish Studies opened in Budapest. The university is still operating, celebrating its 130th anniversary on October 4, 2007. Since its opening, it has been the only Jewish institute in all of Central and Eastern Europe. In the 1890 Hungarian census, 64.0% of the Jewish population were counted as ethnic Hungarian by mother tongue, 33.1% as German [13] 1.9% as Slovak, 0.8% as Romanian, and 0.2% as Ruthenian. Austria-Hungary (1867–1918)Plik:02 Pecs, Hungary - Great Synagogue.jpg Romantic style Great Synagogue in Pécs, built by Neolog community in 1869. Family namesMost Jews did not have family names before 1783. Some family names were recorded for Jewish families:
Emperor Joseph II believed that Germanization could facilitate the centralization of his empire. Beginning in 1783, he ordered Jews to either choose or be given German family names by local committees. The actions were dependent on local conditions. With the rise of Hungarian nationalism, the first wave of Magyarization of family names occurred between 1840 and 1849. After the Hungarian revolution, this process was stopped until 1867. After the Ausgleich, many Jews changed their family names from German to Hungarian. In 1942 during World War II, when Hungary became allied with Germany, the Hungarian Defense Ministry was tasked with "race validation." Its officials complained that no Hungarian or German names were "safe," as Jews might have any name. They deemed Slavic names to be "safer", but the decree listed 58 Slavic-sounding names regularly held by Jews.[14] Population statistics1890 / 1900 / 1910 census summaries
Almost a quarter (22.35%) of the Jews of Hungary lived in Budapest in 1910. Some of the surviving large synagogues in Budapest include the following:
1910 censusAccording to the 1910 census, the number of Jews was 911,227, or 4.99% of the 18,264,533 people living in Hungary (In addition, there were 21,231 Jews in autonomous Croatia-Slavonia). This was a 28.7% increase in absolute terms since the 1890 census, and a 0.3% increase (from 4.7%) in the overall population of Hungary. At the time, the Jewish natural growth rate was higher than the Christian (although the difference had been narrowing), but so was the emigration rate, mainly to the United States. (The total emigration from Austria-Hungary to the U.S. in 1881–1912 was 3,688,000 people, including 324,000 Jews (8.78%). In the 1880–1913 period, a total of 2,019,000 people emigrated from Hungary to the US. Thus, an estimated 177,000 Jews emigrated from Hungary to the US during this total period.)Szablon:Citation needed The net loss for Judaism due to conversions was relatively low before the end of the Great War: 240 people/year between 1896 and 1900, 404 between 1901 and 1910, and 435 people/year between 1911 and 1917. According to records, 10,530 people left Judaism, and 2,244 converted to Judaism between 1896 and 1917.[15] The majority (75.7%) of the Jewish population reported Hungarian as their primary language, so they were counted as ethnically Hungarian in the census. The Yiddish speakers were counted as ethnically German. According to this classification, 6.94% of the ethnic Hungarians and 11.63% of the Germans of Hungary were Jewish. In total, Hungarian speakers made up a 54.45% majority in Hungary; German speakers (including those who spoke Yiddish), made up 10.42% of the population.Szablon:Citation needed Population of the capital, Budapest, was 23% Jewish (about the same ratio as in New York City). This community had established numerous religious and educational institutions. Pest was more Jewish than Buda. The prosperity, cultural, and financial prominence of Budapest's large Jewish community attested to its successful integration. Indeed, commentators opined in 1911 that Hungary had "absorbed" their Jews and "it has come to pass that there is no anti-Semitism in Budapest, although the Hebrew element is proportionately much larger (21% as compared to 9%) than it is in Vienna, the Mecca of the Jew-baiter"[16] At that time Karl Lueger, mayor of Vienna referred to the capital as Judapest, alluding to the high proportion of Jews. Budapest had the third largest Jewish population among the world's cities, after New York and Warsaw.Szablon:Citation needed Jews in Hungary were long prevented from owning land, which resulted in many going into business. In 1910, 60.96% of merchants,[17] 58.11% of the book printers, 41.75% of the innkeepers, 24.42% of the bakers, 24.07% of the butchers, 21.04% of the tailors, and 8.90% of the shoemakers of Hungary were Jewish.[18] 48.5% of the physicians in the country (2701 out of 5565) were Jewish.{{#invoke:Footnotes|sfn|template=sfn}} In the 1893–1913 period, Jews made up roughly 20% of the students of the gimnázium high school (where classical subjects were emphasized) students and 37% of reál high school (where practical subjects were emphasized).Szablon:Citation needed The strong class divisions of Hungary were represented in the Jewish population. About 3.1% of the Jews belonged to the "large employer" and "agricultural landowner of more than 100 hold, i.e. 57 hectares" class, 3.2% to the "small (<100 hold) landholder" class, 34.4% to the "working", i.e. wage-earning employee class, while 59.3% belonged to the self-employed or salary-earning middle class.[19] There was also religious division, with three denominations. Budapest, the South and West had a Neolog majority (related to modern US Conservative and Reform Judaism- the kipah and organ were both used in religious worship in the synagogues). Traditionalists ("Status quo ante") were the smallest of the three, mainly in the North. The East and North of the country were overwhelmingly Orthodox (more orthodox than "status quo ante"). In broad terms, Jews whose ancestors had come from Moravia in the 18th century tended to become Neolog at the split in 1869; those whose ancestors were from Galicia identified as Orthodox.Szablon:Citation needed In absolute numbers, Budapest had by far the largest number of Jews (203,000), followed by Nagyvárad (Oradea) with 15,000, Újpest and Miskolc with about 10,000 each, Máramarossziget (Sighetu Marmaţiei), Munkács (Mukachevo), Pozsony (Bratislava), Debrecen with 8,000, Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca), Szatmárnémeti (Satu Mare), Temesvár (Timișoara), Kassa (Košice) with about 7,000 each.Szablon:Citation needed RevolutionMore than 10,000 Jews died and thousands were wounded and disabled fighting for Hungary in World War I. But these sacrifices by patriotic Hungarian Jews may have been outweighed by the chaotic events following the war's end.Szablon:Citation needed With the defeat and dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Hungary would be forced by the Allies to adhere to the Treaty of Trianon, which ceded to neighboring nations fully two-thirds of Hungary's imperial territory and two thirds of its population, including a third of its ethnically Magyar citizens and many Jews. These losses provoked deep anger and hostility in the remaining Hungarian population.[1] The first post-war government was led by Mihály Károlyi, and was the first modern effort at liberal democratic government in Hungary. But it was cut short in a spasm of communist revolution, which would have serious implications for the manner in which Hungarian Jews were viewed by their fellow-countrymen.Szablon:Citation needed In March 1919, Communist and Social Democrat members of a coalition government ousted Karolyi; soon after (21 March), the Communists were to take power as their Social Democrat colleagues were willing neither to accept nor to refuse the Vix Note to cede a significant part of the Great Plains to Romania and the communists took control of Hungary's governing institutions. While popular at first among Budapest's progressive elite and proletariat, the so-called Hungarian Soviet Republic fared poorly in almost all of its aims, particularly its efforts to regain territories occupied by Slovakia (although achieving some transitional success here) and Romania. All the less palatable excesses of Communist uprisings were in evidence during these months, particularly the formation of squads of brutal young men practicing what they called "revolutionary terror" to intimidate and suppress dissident views. All but the one Sándor Garbai, the revolution's leaders, including Béla Kun, Tibor Szamuely, and Jenő Landler – were of Jewish ancestry. As in other countries where Communism was viewed as an immediate threat, the presence of ethnic Jews in positions of revolutionary leadership helped foster the notion of a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy.[1] Kun's regime was crushed after four and a half months when the Romanian army entered Budapest; it was quickly followed by the reactionary forces under the command of the former Austro-Hungarian admiral, Miklós Horthy.Szablon:Citation needed The sufferings endured during the brief revolution, and their exploitation by ultra-nationalist movements, helped generate stronger suspicions among non-Jewish Hungarians, and undergirded pre-existing anti-Semitic views.Szablon:Citation needed Beginning in July 1919, officers of Horthy's National Army engaged in a brutal string of counter-reprisals against Hungarian communists and their allies, real or imagined.[20] This series of pogroms directed at Jews, progressives, peasants and others is known as the White Terror. Horthy's personal role in these reprisals is still subject of debate (in his memoirs he refused to disavow the violence, saying that "only an iron broom" could have swept the country clean).[21] Tallying the numbers of victims of the different terror campaigns in this period is still a matter of some political dispute[22] but the White Terror is generally considered to have claimed more lives than the repressions of the Kun regime by an order of magnitude, thousands vs hundreds.[1][23][24] Interwar yearsIn the first few decades of the 20th century the Jews of Hungary numbered roughly 5 percent of the population. This minority had managed to achieve great commercial success, and Jews were disproportionately represented in the professions, relative to their numbers. In 1921 Budapest, 88% of the members of the stock exchange and 91% of the currency brokers were Jews, many of them ennobled.Szablon:Citation needed In interwar Hungary, more than half and perhaps as much as 90 percent of Hungarian industry was owned or operated by a few closely related Jewish banking families.Szablon:Citation needed Plik:Jewish Hungarian country girl in 1928.jpg A Jewish Hungarian country girl around 1930. Plik:In front of the Grünbaum grocery shop.jpg Local customers in front of a Jewish grocery in Berzence, around 1930. Jews represented one-fourth of all university students and 43% percent at Budapest Technological University. In 1920, 60 percent of Hungarian doctors, 51 percent of lawyers, 39 percent of all privately employed engineers and chemists, 34 percent of editors and journalists, and 29 percent of musicians identified themselves as Jews by religion.[25] Resentment of this Jewish trend of success was widespread: Admiral Horthy himself declared that he was "an anti-Semite", and remarked in a letter to one of his prime ministers, "I have considered it intolerable that here in Hungary everything, every factory, bank, large fortune, business, theater, press, commerce, etc. should be in Jewish hands, and that the Jew should be the image reflected of Hungary, especially abroad."{{#invoke:Footnotes|sfn|template=sfn}} Unfortunately for Jews they had also become, by a quirk of history, the most visible minority remaining in Hungary (besides ethnic Germans and Gypsies); the other large "non-Hungarian" populations (including Slovaks, Slovenes, Croats, and Romanians, among others) had been abruptly excised from the Hungarian population by the territorial losses at Trianon. That and the highly visible role of Jews in the economy, the media and the professions, as well as in the leadership of the 1919 Communist dictatorship left Hungary's Jews as an ethnically separate group which could serve as a scapegoat for the nation's ills.[1] The scapegoating began quickly. In 1920, Horthy's government passed a "Numerus Clausus" law that placed limits on the number of minority students in proportion of their size of the population, thus restricting the Jewish enrollment at universities to five percent or less.Szablon:Citation needed Anti-Jewish policies grew more repressive in the interwar period as Hungary's leaders, who remained committed to regaining territories lost in WW1, chose to align themselves (albeit warily) with the fascist governments of Germany and Italy – the international actors most likely to stand behind Hungary's claims.[1] The inter-war years also saw the emergence of flourishing fascist groups, such as the Hungarian National Socialist Party and the Arrow Cross Party. See also
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Szablon:Hungarian religions Szablon:History of the Jews in Europe Szablon:Hungary articles |